Anyone anxious that the American establishment(建制派，权势集团) can no longer speak loudly with one voice should be heartened by the outpouring(倾泻，大量涌现) of adulation(奉承，吹捧) from Washington’s elite for Senator Lindsey Graham, who died from heart disease on July 11th. In part, the reaction reveals real affection for a politician nimble enough to(足够灵活以至于) charm senators of both parties, along with the press—its most experienced, jaded(厌倦的，疲惫的) members in particular. The reaction also illuminates what establishment Washington prizes most: relevance, a quality honoured there above honour itself, as Donald Trump intuited from the start of his own political career.(这种反应也揭示了华盛顿建制派最珍视的东西：相关性，这是一种在那里被尊崇甚至高于荣誉本身的品质，正如唐纳德·特朗普从他政治生涯一开始就直觉到的那样。)
任何担心美国建制派不再能大声发出统一声音的人，都应该为华盛顿精英对参议员林赛·格雷厄姆的如潮赞颂感到振奋。格雷厄姆于7月11日因心脏病去世。部分而言，这种反应显示出人们确实喜爱一位足够灵活、能取悦两党参议员以及媒体——尤其是其中最老练、最厌倦的成员——的政治家。这种反应也揭示了华盛顿建制派最珍视的东西：相关性，这是一种在那里被尊崇甚至高于荣誉本身的品质，正如唐纳德·特朗普从他政治生涯一开始就直觉到的那样。
Republicans who put their principles ahead of loyalty to Mr Trump, such as Mitt Romney and Liz Cheney, live on. But they are forgotten by Republicans on Capitol Hill as anything but(根本不，决不) cautionary tale(警示故事，前车之鉴)s about the folly(愚蠢，愚行) of crossing him. By contrast(相比之下) Mr Graham remade himself as so “relevant”—the term he used—that his sudden disappearance from the scene, at 71, creates problems rather than opportunities for the president, from confirming nominees to passing laws. The bigger question for Washington, and America, is whether Mr Graham’s legacy of compromise may yet prove the true cautionary tale. As Mr Graham himself warned in 2015, back when he was instructing Republicans that Mr Trump was a demagogue they should shun: “I’m not afraid of losing an election. I’m afraid of losing our soul.”(正如格雷厄姆本人2015年所警告的那样，当时他正告诫共和党人特朗普是个应该回避的煽动家：'我不害怕输掉选举。我害怕失去我们的灵魂。')
那些将原则置于对特朗普忠诚之上的共和党人，如米特·罗姆尼和利兹·切尼，仍然在世。但在国会山，他们被共和党人视为不过是关于挑战特朗普之愚蠢的警示故事。相比之下，格雷厄姆先生将自己重塑得如此"相关"——这是他用的词——以至于他71岁突然离世给总统带来的麻烦而非机会，从提名确认到通过法律均是如此。对华盛顿和美国而言，更大的问题是，格雷厄姆妥协的遗产是否最终会被证明是真正的警示故事。正如格雷厄姆本人2015年所警告的那样，当时他正告诫共和党人特朗普是个应该回避的煽动家："我不害怕输掉选举。我害怕失去我们的灵魂。"
Mr Graham’s indefatigable(不知疲倦的，坚持不懈的) pursuit of relevance made not just his conversion to Trumpism but his whole career a map of the trajectory(轨迹，发展路径) of the Republican Party. It was completing its consolidation(巩固，整合) of the new South when, as part of the Republican Revolution led by Newt Gingrich(纽特·金里奇，美国政治人物，1994年共和党革命的领导者) in 1994, Mr Graham was elected as the first Republican in 117 years to represent South Carolina’s third congressional district. He helped lead the impeachment of President Bill Clinton over an affair with an intern. When Mr Graham was elected to the Senate in 2002, he succeeded Strom Thurmond(斯特罗姆·瑟蒙德，美国南方参议员，种族隔离主义者), who had held the seat since 1954. Mr Graham represented not just a new generation of southern Republican but, after the attacks of September 11th 2001, a more internationalist(国际主义者), interventionist conservatism. He allied himself with Senator John McCain of Arizona to champion the wars led by President George W. Bush.
格雷厄姆先生对相关性不懈的追求，不仅使他转向了特朗普主义，而且使他的整个职业生涯成为共和党轨迹的一幅地图。当共和党正在完成对新南方的巩固时，作为纽特·金里奇1994年领导的共和党革命的一部分，格雷厄姆当选为代表南卡罗来纳州第三国会选区的117年来第一位共和党人。他帮助领导了对比尔·克林顿总统因与实习生有染的弹劾。2002年，当格雷厄姆当选参议员时，他接替了自1954年以来一直担任该席位的斯特罗姆·瑟蒙德。格雷厄姆不仅代表了新一代南方共和党人，而且在2001年9月11日袭击之后，代表了一种更加国际主义、干预主义的保守主义。他与亚利桑那州的参议员约翰·麦凯恩结盟，支持乔治·W·布什总统领导的战争。
The courage of his compromises
他妥协的勇气