
THE “WOKE”, race-and-gender-focused ideology that peaked in 2020 had no leader, but Nikole Hannah-Jones has a strong claim to be its defining intellectual. A journalist for the New York Times Magazine, she wrote “The 1619 Project”, a revisionist(修正主义的) history of America centred on slavery, and won plaudits(赞誉) for a story in 2016 about sending her daughter to a school with mostly poor, non-white pupils. Her latest article, published on September 20th, is a partial mea culpa(认错;道歉) that has triggered a torrent of anti-woke(觉醒的) schadenfreude(幸灾乐祸). It recounts her daughter’s subsequent ordeal of absent or neglectful teachers and rowdy(吵闹的) classmates, and rage at the sacrifice of her education in the vain hope of(徒劳地指望) fixing a broken system one child at a time.
2020年达到顶峰的“觉醒”意识形态聚焦种族与性别,虽无明确领袖,但尼科尔·汉娜-琼斯完全有资格被称为其最具代表性的知识分子。作为《纽约时报杂志》记者,她撰写了以奴隶制为核心的修正主义美国史“1619项目”,并因2016年一篇讲述把女儿送进一所多为贫困非白人学生的学校的文章而广受赞誉。她9月20日发表的最新文章是一份部分认错,引发了反“觉醒”阵营的幸灾乐祸。文中讲述了她女儿随后遭遇的磨难:教师缺勤或疏于管教、同学吵闹,以及她为徒劳地指望一次拯救一个孩子来修复一个破碎体系而牺牲女儿教育所感到的愤怒。
Yet even as Ms Hannah-Jones takes personal responsibility for this “betrayal” of her child, she says little about the progressive-backed education policies that arguably contributed to the dysfunction of the schools her daughter attended.(然而,尽管汉娜-琼斯为这种对孩子的“背叛”承担了个人责任,她却几乎没有谈及那些进步派支持的教育政策——这些政策可以说正是她女儿就读学校功能失调的推手。) Moreover, the main explanation she provides for the schools’ failings is decades out of date(过时的).
然而,尽管汉娜-琼斯为这种对孩子的“背叛”承担了个人责任,她却几乎没有谈及那些进步派支持的教育政策——这些政策可以说正是她女儿就读学校功能失调的推手。此外,她为学校失败给出的主要解释,已经过时了几十年。

Ms Hannah-Jones cites a study from 2019 by EdBuild, an advocacy group, reporting that “nationally, schools in predominantly(以……为主地) non-white districts receive $23 billion less in annual funding than their heavily white counterpart(对应物)s”. From this she concludes that such schools’ poor test scores merely “reflect” this financial “disadvantage”. She could hardly have picked a worse example to support this claim than her daughter’s own Public School (PS) 307 in New York, which spent $52,349 per pupil in 2024-25, making it one of the best-funded schools in one of America’s highest-spending districts.(要支持这一说法,她本可以选一个比纽约第307公立学校更糟糕的例子——这所学校2024-25学年每名学生支出52,349美元,是美国支出最高学区之一中经费最充足的学校之一。) And PS 307 is no exception(并非例外), but rather an extreme example of the national pattern: state schools with the lowest shares of white pupils actually receive the most funding.
汉娜-琼斯引用倡导组织EdBuild 2019年的一项研究,该研究称“在全国范围内,以非白人为主的学区每年获得的经费比以白人为主的学区少230亿美元”。她由此得出结论:这类学校考试成绩差,不过是这种财政“劣势”的“反映”。要支持这一说法,她本可以选一个比纽约第307公立学校(PS 307)更糟糕的例子——这所学校2024-25学年每名学生支出52,349美元,是美国支出最高学区之一中经费最充足的学校之一。而PS 307并非例外,反而是全国模式的一个极端样本:白人学生比例最低的公立学校,实际上获得的经费最多。