Abortion has faded from the headlines since the Dobbs decision(2022年推翻罗伊诉韦德案的裁决) of 2022, and Republicans like it that way. In the immediate aftermath of the supreme court’s overturning of Roe v Wade(1973年确立堕胎权的里程碑判例), as millions of women lost access to the dignity and self-determination(自主权，自决权) that abortion provided them, clinics shut their doors, and the extent of Dobbs’s horrendously(极其可怕地) adverse public health implications started to become clear, abortion was always, it seemed, in the headlines. There were plenty of stories. There was the first known woman to die as the result of an abortion ban; and then the second; and then the third. There were the various lawsuits and ballot initiatives that for a while turned access off and on and then off again(使堕胎权时开时关，最终关闭) in various states; then there were the state supreme court elections, races that were newly transformed by the abortion debate and on which the health and status of a state’s women now relied. There were the clinics that shut their doors in Republican-controlled states, many of which had provided the essential, stigmatized care for decades, under hostile conditions, with persistence and innovation and determination that were staggering.(在共和党控制的州，许多诊所关门了，它们数十年来在敌意环境下坚持提供着至关重要却备受污名化的医疗服务，其坚韧、创新与决心令人震惊。)
自2022年多布斯裁决以来，堕胎已从新闻头条中淡出，而共和党人乐见其成。在最高法院推翻罗伊诉韦德案之后的最初一段时间里，数百万女性失去了堕胎所赋予她们的尊严与自主权，诊所纷纷关门，多布斯裁决对公共健康造成的可怕负面影响开始显现，堕胎似乎始终占据着新闻头条。故事层出不穷：有已知的第一位因堕胎禁令而死亡的女性，然后是第二位，再然后是第三位；有各种诉讼和公投提案，一度让各州的堕胎权时开时关，最终又关闭；接着是州最高法院选举，这些竞选因堕胎辩论而焕然一新，一个州女性的健康与地位如今都系于此；还有共和党控制的州里那些关门的诊所，其中许多诊所在敌意环境下，数十年来坚持提供着至关重要却备受污名化的医疗服务，其坚韧、创新与决心令人震惊。
But the stories have faded from the headlines as the years have gone by. Feminism has gone dramatically out of style, with the big women’s rights NGOs wounded enough by Dobbs and attacks from the Trump administration that they have been largely unable to push their agenda in either media or policy, and algorithmic social media driving a rise in gender conservatism and politicized misogyny, particularly among young men.(女权主义已明显过时，大型妇女权利非政府组织因多布斯裁决和特朗普政府的攻击而元气大伤，基本无力在媒体或政策层面推进其议程；算法驱动的社交媒体则助推了性别保守主义和政治化厌女情绪的抬头，在年轻男性中尤为明显。) But maybe more importantly, abortion has ceased to be a story because the horrors of abortion bans have ceased to be news: the US has grown used to the swift and dramatic erosion of women’s health and status that has followed Dobbs, grown used to the horror stories and upward ticking body counts(不断攀升的死亡人数), grown into ease, and even a kind of compliant(顺从的，屈从的) boredom, with women’s death and indignity.
但随着时间的推移，这些故事已从新闻头条中淡出。女权主义已明显过时，大型妇女权利非政府组织因多布斯裁决和特朗普政府的攻击而元气大伤，基本无力在媒体或政策层面推进其议程；算法驱动的社交媒体则助推了性别保守主义和政治化厌女情绪的抬头，在年轻男性中尤为明显。但或许更重要的是，堕胎已不再是一个故事，因为堕胎禁令的恐怖已不再是新闻：美国已经习惯了多布斯裁决后女性健康与地位的迅速而剧烈的恶化，习惯了恐怖故事和不断攀升的死亡人数，对女性的死亡与屈辱变得习以为常，甚至产生了一种顺从的麻木。
But lately, there have been efforts to change that. Pro-choice(支持堕胎选择权的) activists and health researchers have advanced stories about the extent of Dobbs’s impact on women’s health, looking to advance new studies, particular stories and illuminating(有启发性的，说明问题的) statistics that reveal the extent of the danger and damaged posed to women by Republican governance. And Republicans, in turn, have looked to quash stories about the impact of abortion bans and suppress data that illustrates their impact, fearing, it seems, that being reminded of what abortion bans mean in practice will further dampen their party’s odds in the coming midterms.(而共和党人则反过来试图压制有关堕胎禁令影响的故事，并封锁说明其影响的数据，似乎担心，一旦人们被提醒堕胎禁令在实践中意味着什么，将进一步削弱其政党在即将到来的中期选举中的胜算。)
但最近，有人试图改变这一局面。支持选择权的活动人士和健康研究人员提出了关于多布斯裁决对女性健康影响程度的故事，希望推动新的研究、具体案例和有启发性的统计数据，以揭示共和党治理给女性带来的危险和伤害程度。而共和党人则反过来试图压制有关堕胎禁令影响的故事，并封锁说明其影响的数据，似乎担心，一旦人们被提醒堕胎禁令在实践中意味着什么，将进一步削弱其政党在即将到来的中期选举中的胜算。